Friday, August 21, 2009

MALAYSIAN UNITY

Datuk Dr Agoes Salim is an an economist and first secretary-generalof the National Unity Ministry. He is also former chairman of Bank Pertanian. He was on the public service secretariat of the National Operations Council following the riots and helped draw up both the Rukun Negara and the NEPA Very Wise ViewDominating role not healthy for nationI THINK we are farther apart now than we were in 1969. But you have to remember that I grew up going to an English school,to a university where there were people of all races. At that time, although we did think in terms of race, it wasn't in the way people do now. We felt that we were Malayans. We socialised much better than we do now. Bahasa Malaysia can be a unifying factor. But it can be a factorseparating people, too.As Sukarno would say, The important thing is the jiwa. You don't have to have a common language, if you have the same jiwa (heart, spirit, passion, devotion). This is what we don't have right now.In 1956, the historical society of Universiti Malaya went to India. There were lots of Indians in the group, but they didn't think of themselves as Indians, they thought of themselves as Malayans.That's the jiwa.But later on, because of certain reactions, suddenly people stayed away from this jiwa - they don't feel as though they are fully Malaysian. They are made to feel that way.When I was in the service, there were lots of non-Malays in the civil service,holding good positions. But do you see them now? If you go to the universities, where are the non-Malay professors?After 1969, suddenly there was this drive to make sure that all universityvice-chancellors and faculty deans were Malay. So, in the end, we chased away all the best brains among the non-Malays.When schools say you must start school with a doa (Muslim prayer recitation), you push away all the non-Muslims. When I was at school, we never had any prayers. Whatever we learnt in religious class was a separate thing.I think it's more important that we bring people together, rather than pushing religion so hard that it alienates other people. This is what's happening. I can't blame the Chinese and Indians; why should they go to a sekolah kebangsaan (national school), when they have to do all these things?All the things are breaking down. Our school system is not as it used to be. We are producing supposedly so many students with so many As, but what do they know? Are we happy about it? The leaders seem to be happy about it.We came up with the Rukun Negara because, after 1969, there was the feeling that the nation was breaking down. People had forgotten what it was all about. So, we thought we could bring people back together - unite them. That's what the first part of the Rukun Negara is about: the objectives of the nation.Unfortunately, we did practically nothing to promote an understanding of the Rukun Negara. And when schools make mistakes, nobody corrects them. That should have been the role of the Department of Information.In the beginning, Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie did try to apply the test of whethersomething was in consonance with the Rukun Negara or not. But then, the government just forgot about this.We are supposed to be a united nation, not only in terms of state, but also in terms of people: that they would all consider themselves as Malaysians, and that this was their country and their nation. We wanted all these people to share the wealth of the nation.One of the things we thought contributed to 1969 was the economic disparities, joblessness.The New Economic Policy was a policy for all Malaysians; not just for the Malays. But we wanted to restructure the economy so that the Malays would come out of the rural agriculture sector into the commercial sector.We wanted Malay participation at all levels of economic activity. We wanted to uplift the Malays without reducing the position of the others.. eradicating poverty regardless of less. And this was supposed to be in a situation of growth. Not just sharing the existing cake, but the cake must grow, so that these people also have the opportunity to grow.At the same time, we also hoped that the Malays would grow a little faster. So, they set this target of 30 per cent equity in 20 years. I was not much in favour of that because I didn't think it was achievable. I felt that participation was more important than wealth.We never thought that we would produce multi-billionaires. That was never the intention of the NEP. If some people can come up as everyone comes up, it's okay. But it wasn't supposed to be about some people getting contracts.We did say that we should have Malay millionaires just as we should have Chinese and Indian millionaires, but not so much so that you don't have to do anything.You must differentiate between dominance and domination. As Tun Dr Ismail said, We want to be dominant, but we don't want to dominate. Dominant in the sense that we wanted the Malays to be everywhere; but not todominate all the others.
But we seem to be dominating; and I don’t think that's healthy for the nation. It's not about taking your share and not caring about the rest.

Saturday, August 1, 2009

力赞马华总会长拿督斯里翁诗杰的领导能力

马青士拉央区团力赞马华总会长拿督斯里翁诗杰的领导能力,特别是在如此仓促的时间下研究出解决方案,可见其解决该课题的决心,马华党员更应给予全力的支持。

“翁诗杰宣布成立整顿自贸区的企业管理的行政和企业管理临时委员会的8项改善企业管理建议,旨在促巴生港务局彻底改革,避免出现同样的舞弊事件重演。”

“出炉的调查报告显示,巴生港务局的前任董事局,犯下疏忽和失职之过,因此,希望大家不要再把矛头指向翁诗杰。试问在面对多种精神压力的情况下,身兼部长及马华总会长职位的翁诗杰,仍拥有过人的坚定毅力,令人非常赞赏。”

一个优秀的团队需要一个能够起到带头领导作用的精神领的袖,团队有了核心,才能把所有的力量凝聚起来,迸发出巨大的能量。否则,这个团队就很容易形成一盘散沙,毫无力量。

此外,相信在翁诗杰的率领之下,拥有地理优势的巴生港口自由区可以早日还原全新的角色,为大马经济带来贡献。

Tuesday, July 14, 2009

透明化政策

基尔的千万宫殿事件爆发后,许多人都争相评论甚至炮轰他要求他给予解释。而他也公开的说那间房子是透过银行购买的,千万令吉本来就子虚乌有,他说只是贷款350万,然后装修50万。当然,他说的是不是事实不重要,因为我们要看到的是证据。

另一边厢,我认为大家炮轰基尔的同时,也应该同样要求林冠英对他的百万洋房作出解释。虽然数目没有基尔的庞大,可是不能有五十步笑百步的心态,大家应该一视同仁的要求当事人公布买卖合约及土地局登记的姓名。我觉得一些说别人有双重标准的人拥有的标准非常奇特,他们可以把基尔轰得体无完肤,在林冠英的课题上却可以为他辩护,一些林冠英没说的,他们都可以帮他说。

无论是国阵或民联都不应该有炒作课题的心态,身为当事人应该及时将一切相关文件公开以证清白,这样就不会让那些炒作课题的政客得逞。

现在林冠英应该就透明化身体力行,出示文件清楚的告诉人民,你的洋房是买的还是租的?清楚的让人民知道,若是买的是从哪一家银行贷款?偿还期多长?高度强调透明化的林冠英先生,肯定不会拒绝吧?

基尔也应该出示买卖合约,向大家证明只花了350万购买,而不是行动党议员所谓的千万豪宅。老是说自己被冤枉,就应该出示文件,让大家心服口服,让大家来为你责备这些捞取廉价政治资本的政客。巧合的是这两个案件同时发生,希望大家在要求基尔道明真相之时,也不可以忽略对林冠英首长的透明化政策。

何必轻言退出

吉打及玻璃市行动党,一如意料的收回成命,又不退出吉打民联了。

从宣布退出,到宣布不退出,前後只有十天,算不算曾经退出?算不算曾经很有骨气?

十天前,吉玻行动党主席苏建祥宣布对回教党吉打州务大臣不信任,因为不顾行动党的感受,强行拆除唯一的宰猪场,所以退出吉打民联。

十天後,大臣几句口头承诺就赢回苏建祥的信任,新宰猪场门栏都还没有,大臣也未收回公开煽动唯一州议员李源益跳槽公正党的言论,吉玻行动党就这样突然又对大臣充满了信心,不退出民联了。

这未免行色太匆匆,应说十天前太冲动,还是逞强十天就僵住不能动?

民主行动党虽然是跨种族性的政党,对於多元种族的特性却始终不够敏感,拆除宰猪场对吉打州回教党根本就是博回教选民欢心的举动,这种敏感事件,非顾及回教党面子內部协商不可,要是十天前有此远见,忍一时之气,就不会沦落到今日如丧家之犬,悻悻然回头的尴尬局面。

经过这退出不退出的闹剧,料行动党在未来也不敢再嘴硬,自以为很有骨气,将来也別再以不敢退出国阵为攻击马华的课题,毕竟民联也好,国阵也好,先经过內部协商还是必要之举,轻言退出显得儿戏。

除非,高喊退出,然後十天之內又一团和气的高喊不退出,是预先写好剧本的一场戏。

基本上,任何州属的行动党,都绝无可能脫离民联,甚至绝无可能不与回教党合作,因为行动党绝无法单独生存,何必只为了彰显自己比马华不敢退出国阵有骨气,自毁前程。

別逼回教党高唱,再回头我也不要你。

执法当局应介入调查黄朱强对雪政府的指控

人民对旺沙玛朱区国会议员黄朱强揭发雪州某行政议员允许“偏门人士”利用其办公室作为开会地点一事,感到非常担忧。

民联上台后信誓旦旦要给雪州人民一个透明、廉政、有效率的州政府,但没想到执政才一年多左右就发生“黑金”入侵行政体系的事件,腐败速度竟然胜于前朝州政府,民众对民联的信心肯定大受影响。

黄朱强勇于揭发民联同僚滥权作风的勇气,而其他雪州民联议员群起指责黄朱强的做法过于武断和不理智。

“我认为应该让执法当局介入调查,让证据来说话,比通过部落格或媒体展开骂战来得实际。”

民联要执政中央,就必须在执政州政府的阶段交出实在的政绩,以便加强人民对民联信心,因此她促请雪州民联政府迅速处理有关“黑金”入侵行政议员办公室事件,并严惩涉及有关事件的人士。

促彻查雪行政议员勾结偏门的指控

林圣财促彻查雪行政议员勾结偏门的指控

马华特别任务局主任林圣财今日促请雪州民联政府正视某行政议员被指涉嫌勾结犯罪活动的指控,并呼吁卡立务必对指控进行彻查,及对违法者施与严惩,维护法治的威严。

“若有行政议员借用本身的办公室让捞偏门行业的人士作为开会地点,等同是支持该罪犯活动。不管该指控是谣言还是虚构,这关乎雪州民联政府的公信力和形象,雪州政府都不应该坐视不理,官官相护;反之应该透明化处理该项指控,立即展开调查,向人民交代。”

林圣财强调,这是一项非常严重的指控,因为涉嫌者是一名州行政议员,理应是法律的执行和维护者,非但没有以身作则,反而执法犯法,涉嫌地下犯罪活动,成为社会的不良示范。

“执法者本身若视法纪为无物,又如何要求小市民循规蹈矩?”

林圣财说,人民不容许任何人将法律操纵在自己手中,更不能姑息民意代表毫无忌惮地在州政府的办公室进行非法会议。民意代表若涉嫌犯罪活动,仗势滥权,更应该罪加一等。

此外,林圣财也说,这项指控不仅仅是民联三党的家务事,涉及此指控的是身为州行政议员的民意代表,人民有权利知道真相,因此黄朱强有必要针对此事报警。

雪州风波

近来事端连连的雪州政府, 在一波未平,一波又起的忙着“灭火 ”之馀,雪州马青署理团长郑有文呼吁警方尽快展开调查,避免出现腐败的政权,而身为执政的雪州政府也应该站出来说明一切,给国民有一个交待。

“倘若雪州行政议员没有进行出让州政府办公室进行非法会议,那更应该站出来澄清,而非漫天开炮,出现公说公有理,婆说婆有理的情况,扰乱人民的思维。”

除此之外,郑有文也指出, 该事件已经严重影响雪州民联政府执政的公信度。当初反对国阵不民主、不透明、压制民主人权的基础上,如今却活生生的发生在民联的身上,出现自打嘴巴之嫌。

继人民公正党全国副主席阿兹敏阿里再次挑起雪州政府进行重组行政议员献议后,人民公正党旺沙玛珠国会议员黄朱强在个人部落格指责某雪州行政议员与“偏门人士”过从甚密的新闻见报,明显可见‘内讧 ’事件已经开始白热化。

诸不知“水可载舟,亦可覆舟”,人民拥有推翻政权的能力,因此,民联领导人不要给胜利冲昏了头脑; 无视人民的诉求或做事敷衍,中饱私囊以自肥。”